This blog post examines ‘anti-gender’ rhetoric in politics and its strategic backlash against EU candidates during the 2014-2024 European Election Campaigns. Firstly, ‘anti-gender’ statements of political parties within their European election programmes will be examined. To further enhance understanding, interviews with EU candidates will offer a glimpse into their personal experiences with such backlash, revealing how these dynamics may have influenced them individually. In addition, this post investigates the roots of ‘anti-gender’ movements within antifeminism and examines how populism, democracy, language, and discrimination intertwine in shaping political discourse. This study offers individual insights into the experiences of politicians, providing a new perspective on ‘anti-gender’ backlash during European election campaigns in Germany.
“Gender equality policy is being portrayed as an ideology and its achievements for society as a whole are being discredited. Anyone who is against gender equality policy is ultimately against the basic values and policies of the SPD – and also against me as a member of parliament and candidate.”[1] – Interview 2
What the candidate of the 2014, 2019 and 2024 European election campaign is stating here captures the essence of the ‘anti-gender’ movement, which frames gender equality as an ideological agenda rather than a societal necessity. Anyone’s opposition to gender equality is not just political – it undermines the personal identity of an individual. And in this case challenges a candidate and politician.
But where does the belief of gender equality being an ideology come from?
Antifeminism is out, ‘Anti-Genderism’ is in
Antifeminism, emancipation, ‘anti-gender’… the right-wing parties in Germany have one thing in particular: being against equality. The anti-gender backlash during Germany’s European Election campaigns (2014-2024) is marked by strategic rhetoric aimed at undermining feminist EU candidates, who, as public figures, face intense scrutiny.
‘Anti-gender’ or ‘anti-genderism’ as it is called it in Germany, stems from opposition to feminism, which initially focused on women’s rights but has since expanded to address broader issues of gender and overall social equality. While sex is understood primarily as a biological category, gender is now recognized as a social construct, encompassing diverse identities beyond the male-female binary.[2] As feminism evolved to challenge various forms of inequality—such as racism, classism, and ableism—its critics have shifted from opposing women’s rights to broader ‘anti-gender’ positions and discourse.
Backlash against feminism is understood as a counter reaction as formulated by Susan Faludi. While in the 1980s, backlash against feminism was a counteraction, it developed into a countermovement not only in the US.[3] The strategic use of media as means of manipulation spread to Germany, where right-wing groups adopted similar strategies. Through ‘anti-gender’ backlash, conservatives and populists not only discredit feminist progress but aim to erase feminist advancements entirely.[4]
The Rise of ‘Anti-Gender’
‘Anti-gender’ opposes the feminist idea of gender as a social construct and extends this opposition to the exclusion of the LGBTIQ* community (Lesbians, gays, bisexuals, trans, inter and queers). Simultaneously, it rejects anything outside of a heteronormative worldview, while conceptualizing gender as an enemy – namely ‘gender ideology’.[5] Since around 2014 Germany’s political discourse has shifted from social openness to social exclusion. This backlash has grown more radical, becoming particularly visible in the election campaigns of 2014, 2019, and 2024. ‘Anti-gender’ is however not only a German phenomenon. Although the movement is particularly strong in Germany, its roots and growth are visible across Europe and the US, often grounded in religious debates.[6] In Germany, ‘anti-gender’ is mainly entwined with topics and areas like populism, social media rhetoric, and de-democratization, aiming to reshape language and cultural norms to reinforce exclusion.
From Gender Mainstreaming to ‘Gender Gaga’ (2014)
One of the main gender equality strategies is gender mainstreaming. Since the signing of the Amsterdam treaty in 1997, gender mainstreaming has been acknowledged as a strategy to be pursued within the European Union. What gender mainstreaming is essentially about, is the inclusion and consideration of the social dimensions of gender in politics, economy, and society. The concept gained further recognition at the 1995 Women’s Conference in Beijing. It strives to ensure that gender equality is considered at all levels of policymaking.[7]
However, gender mainstreaming has also become a target of anti-gender rhetoric. Researchers trace the origins of the anti-gender discourse to the 1990s, when gender mainstreaming was first introduced into official EU documents.[8] Right-wing movements, particularly in Germany, began framing gender mainstreaming as an attempt to abolish traditional gender roles. This laid the foundation for today’s populist obsession with gender, which has continued to intensify since the founding of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in 2013.
The AfD has propagated the notion of a ‘gender ideology’ through its campaigns, social media platforms, and within the European Parliament. By the 2014 European elections, the AfD had already adopted an anti-gender rhetoric, falsely claiming that gender mainstreaming sought to “abolish gender identities.”[9] It attempted to frame gender as purely biological, rejecting any notion of gender as a social construct. Thus, shifting the discourse from gender inclusive politics to typical anti-gender narrations as the ’abolishment’ of biological gender categories. They used inflammatory terms like ‘gender gaga’—a German phrase suggesting irrationality or madness—to discredit gender equality efforts. This rhetoric has been a key tool in the AfD’s broader populist strategy to shift public discourse and rally support from conservative voters. Research has found out that populist and right-wing parties, among them the AfD, which since 2014 is the most influential of them in Germany, are one of the main catalysators of ‘anti-gender’ backlash.
From Gender Equality to ‘Gender Ideology’ (2019)
By 2019, the AfD had escalated its opposition to gender equality, now referring to it as ‘gender ideology.’ “The party’s election program claims that gender is in…
“[…] denial of biological differences between men and women, education and culture combined with the assertion that gender is merely a social construct. Differences in the selection and practice of professions, for example, are seen as evidence of supposed discrimination and their elimination is demanded. This ideology devalues the family, which is indispensable for the existence of society, and unsettles children in their sexual identity. Assertions of this ideology contradict the scientific findings of biology and developmental psychology. We call for an end to the Amsterdam Declaration of Commitment.”[10]
A typical ‘anti-gender’ approach is the rejection of gender being more than a biological and binary category while also limiting the financial aids for research on gender and manipulating the discourse on gender and sexuality. This shift in discourse reflects a common strategy used by right-wing populists: gaining control over discussions on gender by influencing the language used in those debates. By reframing gender issues as threats to biological science, family values, and social stability, they seek to redirect the conversation away from equality and toward populist fears and ideals. Language becomes a tool of power, allowing populists to reshape public discourse and fuel their political agenda.[11]
Other parties also addressed gender in 2019, though from a very different perspective. Bündnis 90/Die Grünen highlighted the growing influence of anti-emancipatory groups, perhaps indirectly referring to the AfD.[12]
While the AfD’s share of the vote increased from 7.1% in 2014 to 11% in 2019, Die Grünen called for protecting Gender Studies from these rising attacks. As can be seen in Figure 1, only five years after its foundation, the AfD was the political party that was able to increase its votes the second most. Die Linke, another progressive party, also included in its 2024 program the need to fight antifeminism.[13] By doing so, Die Linke was the only political party calling for action against antifeminism.
Beyond the Gender Binary, beyond Populists Gender Understanding (2024)
While in 2014 and 2019 homosexuality was tolerable for the AfD, the political party now also mentions in its program that homosexuality is not ‘preferable’. It refers to the heteronormative construction of the family as the real deal. Radicalization is also present when one considers that in the 2024 program the AfD has devoted an entire chapter to “Stop Gender-Ideolgy”.[14] In this chapter, the AfD-politicians state that gender…
“[…] is a biological fact and not a social construct that there are exactly two genders: Woman and man. The pseudo-science of gender ideology denies this basic biological fact. The EU must stop all promotion of this scandalous ideology immediately.”[15]
This radicalization clearly depicts that the AfD, from advertising against gender, developed a broader strategy: constructing gender issues as a full-fledged enemy. Interesting to observe is that the AfD began in 2014 to employ ‘anti-gender’ as one paragraph while in 2024 even the AfD understood the complexity of social identities. By 2024, the AfD had expanded its opposition to gender into areas such as education, culture, research, religion, and language. Gender is now also playing a role in other cultural issues, such as multiculturalism and identity politics, positioning it as part of a broader threat to traditional German values. Even if politicians of the AfD would never say it, they did adapt to society by including social categories and parts of identity like gender in chapters that are primarily about other topics such as religion. This interconnectedness of social categories shows the links between various anti-rights movements.[16]
A main rhetoric that the AfD is employing is arguing that there are only the two gender categories: women and men. This simplistic and exclusionary viewpoint is echoed by their supporters, illustrating how populist rhetoric can infiltrate and influence public discourse. The real-world consequences of this rhetoric are evident in the experiences of those who identify outside the gender binary.
As one interviewee recounted:
“[…] at my very first podium discussion, at the first school visit I had during the entire election campaign, two boys came up to me and said or asked which gender I identify with. I said, ‘I’m non-binary’ and then they laughed and left and I was like, ‘I’m not going to make a big deal out of this.”[17] – Interview 1
The candidate decided against thematizing their own gender identity. Discrimination against politicians can be one of the reasons why representatives of marginalized groups of society are not visible. Even if diverse or in this case non-binary people are public figures, their identity is either rendered invisible or focussed and discussed beyond comparison. This results in upholding the status quo where dominant groups are in power.
Language As a New Battleground
Language plays a crucial role in shaping and maintaining social norms. In Germany, traditional language differentiates by gender, and gender-inclusive language—referred to as ‘gendern’—aims to address this imbalance. Historically, the masculine form has been used to refer to everyone, but inclusive language seeks to recognize and respect diverse gender identities. Nevertheless, German language is through its gender-differentiation, in itself exclusionary, not addressing the diversity of gendered identities.[18]
As one interviewee pointed out:
Using the German language as it historically evolved is “[…] also gendering, because then it’s just the man in the foreground. And [identifying as a man], that is also a gender identity. That’s why I always find it so funny when people say, for example, that they’re against gendering – they only speak in the masculine form and that’s also a form of gendering.”[19] – Interview 1
So what people in this scenario are inherently against is speaking and using the German language in a way that is inclusive, addressing everyone, with less exclusion. Using language in an exclusionary manner is also part of a political strategy to render people whose identity is not part of the used language invisible and pushing them out of public discourse.[20] Because how do we talk about all the things we can’t articulate? How will we be able to include people if there is no room or place not even in our language for humans that are not born male? Excluding people from discourse is not only excluding people but also devaluating individuals like in this example, a politician.[21] This manipulation of public discourse and rendering invisible gendered identities is part of ‘anti-gender’ backlash.
However, right-wing parties like the AfD and the Christian Social Union (CSU) have used the opposition to gender-inclusive language as a political strategy. They claim that gender-inclusive language is unnecessary and that it disrupts traditional values. The CSU has gone so far as to ban gender-inclusive language in public institutions in Bavaria. This rhetoric mirrors that of the AfD and reflects how established parties have adopted populist ideas, normalizing them in mainstream politics. Reactionary attitudes have over the past decade become socially acceptable as is visible in the Christian Democratic Union banning what they understand as gendering. What they actually banned was not the vilification of gendering that the AfD and other populist and right-wing groups have propagated, but what is actually a gender inclusive language approach and use. By now the AfD doesn’t even have to realize their own populist agenda because as interviewee 2 also mentions:
The opposition to gender “[…] has increased significantly in recent years and can now be felt in every election campaign and in politics. In Bavaria, this has gone so far that even the state government has jumped on the bandwagon and banned gendering by public institutions. These people/the CSU are not just interested in turning back the clock, they are deliberately exploiting the fears of some people in order to gain votes.”[22] – Interview 2
The Role of Social Media and Misinformation
Not only do established parties tag along and adopt the ‘anti-gender’ rhetoric of populists but minors also reproduce narrations that are not fact based. Social media has become a critical tool for populist movements, including the spreading of ‘anti-gender’ rhetoric.[23] As one interviewee noted, much of the ‘anti-gender’ sentiment among young people stems not from a deliberate strategy but from the misinformation and hate they consume online.[24] Populists have weaponized social media to spread fake news, discredit feminists, and demonize progressive parties like the Greens.
Both interviewees identified themselves as feminists who had experienced anti-gender backlash first-hand. Despite the challenges, they remain determined to resist the spread of populist ideology.
“It has become a common denominator of the most diverse right-wing movements, which otherwise have little in common in terms of their ideas and goals. But unfortunately, even established parties no longer stop at spreading these ideas and thus normalizing them, as we have just seen in Bavaria. Attacks on our rights are unacceptable and dangerous. We must continue to fight them with all our strength.”[25] – Interview 2
Conclusion
In conclusion, the rise of the ‘anti-gender’ movement in Germany’s political discourse from 2014 to 2024 illustrates a shift from antifeminist rhetoric to broader attacks on gender equality and social inclusivity. Through strategic manipulation of language and reactionary attitudes, right-wing parties like the AfD have reframed gender equality as an ideological threat, amplifying their influence in election campaigns. This backlash, rooted in opposition to feminism and gender mainstreaming, extends beyond Germany, reflecting a broader international trend. Feminist politicians and candidates face personal and political challenges as gender identity becomes a battleground, with populists exploiting social fears and media to discredit feminist progress. Despite this, feminist EU candidates remain resolute in their fight against these reactionary narratives, underscoring the ongoing struggle for equality in the face of rising populism and exclusionary politics. Therefore, it is all the more important to look into the future positively to stop ‘anti-gender’ backlash.
Bibliography
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[1] Interviewe 2, interview by the author, September 10, 2024.
[2] Judith Butler, “Subjects of Sex/Gender/Desire,” in Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York and London: Routledge, 1990), 25.
[3] Susan Faludi, Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women (New York: Crown Publishers, 1991), 15.
[4] Rebekka Blum, Angst Um Die Vormachtstellung: Zum Begriff Und Zur Geschichte Des Deutschen Antifeminismus (Hamburg: Marta Press, 2019), 75.
[5] David Paternotte and Roman Kuhar, “‘Gender Ideology’ in Movement: Introduction,” in Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing Against Equality, ed. Roman Kuhar and David Paternotte (London: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2017), 2.
[6] Paternotte and Kuhar, Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe, 13.
[7] Renate Kroll, Metzler Lexikon Gender Studies-Geschlechterforschung: Ansätze, Personen, Grundbegriffe (Springer-Verlag, 2017), 142f.
[8] Andrea Maihofer and Franziska Schutzbach, “Vom Antifeminismus zum ‘Anti-Genderismus’: Eine zeitdiagnostische Betrachtung am Beispiel Schweiz,” in Anti-Genderismus: Sexualität und Geschlecht als Schauplätze aktueller politischer Auseinandersetzungen, ed. Sabine Hark and Paula-Irene Villa, 2nd ed., 201–18. Gender Studies (Bielefeld: Transcript, 2015), 204.
[9] Alternative für Deutschland. Mut zu Deutschland. Für ein Europa der Vielfalt, (Berlin: Alternative für Deutschland, 2014), 18.
[10] Alternative für Deutschland. Europawahlprogramm, (Berlin: Alternative für Deutschland, 2019), 73f.
[11] Steffen K. Herrmann. “Politischer Antagonismus und sprachliche Gewalt.” In Anti-Genderismus: Sexualität und Geschlecht als Schauplätze aktueller politischer Auseinandersetzungen, edited by Sabine Hark and Paula-Irene Villa, 2nd ed., 86.
[12] Bündnis 90/Die Grünen. Europas versprechen erneuern, (Berlin: Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, 2019), 99.
[13] Die Linke. Europa nur solidarisch, (Berlin: Die Linke, 2019), 51.
[14] Alternative für Deutschland. Europawahlprogramm, (Berlin: Alternative für Deutschland, 2024), 44.
[15] Alternative für Deutschland. Europawahlprogramm, 2024, 47.
[16] Khan, Ayesha, Emilie Tant, and Caroline Harper. “Facing the Backlash: What Is Fuelling Anti-Feminist and Anti-Democratic Forces?”, 2023, 2.
[17] Interviewe 1, interview by the author, August 01, 2024.
[18] Dorothee Beck, “The Crusade Against Gender-Inclusive Language in Germany – A Discursive Bridge Between the Far Right and the Civic Mainstream,” in Blurring Boundaries: ‘Anti-Gender’ Ideology Meets Feminist and LGBTIQ+ Discourses, ed. Dorothee Beck, Adriano José Habed, and Annette Henninger, 1st ed. (Leverkusen-Opladen: Verlag Barbara Budrich, 2024), 114.
[19] Interviewe 1, interview by the author, August 01, 2024.
[20] Dorothee Beck, “The Crusade Against Gender-Inclusive Language in Germany – A Discursive Bridge Between the Far Right and the Civic Mainstream,” in Blurring Boundaries: ‘Anti-Gender’ Ideology Meets Feminist and LGBTIQ+ Discourses, ed. Dorothee Beck, Adriano José Habed, and Annette Henninger, 1st ed. (Leverkusen-Opladen: Verlag Barbara Budrich, 2024), 121.
[21] Herrmann, “Politischer Antagonismus und sprachliche Gewalt,” 86.
[22] Interviewe 2, interview by the author, September 10, 2024.
[23] Susanne Reinhardt, Annett Heft, and Elena Pavan, “Varieties of Antigenderism: The Politicization of Gender Issues Across Three European Populist Radical Right Parties,” Information Communication & Society 27, no. 7 (August 14, 2023): 1276.
[24] Interviewe 1, interview by the author, August 01, 2024.
[25] Interviewe 2, interview by the author, September 10, 2024.
